How food became a weapon in America’s culture war

On August 7, National Review published an article lambasting the US Department of Agriculture’s decision, announced in May, to broaden the prohibition of discrimination in federally funded nutrition programs, including the National School Lunch Program, to include sexual orientation and gender identity. The writer’s argument centered on a Christian school in Tampa, Fla., that, he wrote, was being “forced by the government to choose between adherence to the laws of man and those of God.”

There is disagreement over what the broader prohibition actually means, with the department insisting it is aimed only at ensuring that LGBTQ+ students and others are not denied access to these nutrition programs, either explicitly or through intimidation. But many conservatives say the change opens up schools and other institutions to lawsuits for not having gender-neutral bathrooms or for using pronouns that correspond to biological sex.   

There is much here to unpack, but that’s for another day. The relevant story, for our purposes, is in the op-ed’s headline: “A New Low in the Radical Left’s Culture War: The Weaponization of Food.”

The “weaponization of food” is nothing new, of course. For as long as there has been human conflict, food has been used as a weapon. The Romans starved Carthage. The Germans starved Leningrad during World War II. The CIA force-fed hunger-striking prisoners at Guantánamo Bay. And just this year, Russia bombed the Ukrainian port of Odessa to disrupt grain exports.

National Review, though, was getting at something different: food as a front in the nation’s ongoing culture war, a proxy for larger issues of character, morality, and patriotism.

The magazine’s finger-pointing at “the radical left” notwithstanding, it was the right that pioneered the use of food to smear its opponents—in this case, to frame liberals and progressives as “elite” pushers of the nanny state. The strategy took hold in the 1990s and evolved over the ensuing decades, as what we eat and how it’s produced became a national debate, and as culture clashes—over affirmative action, gay marriage, school curricula, abortion,

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Jan 6 Capitol riot probe focuses on luxury hotel ‘war room’

A “war home” set up in a luxury Washington lodge by advisors of president Donald Trump has turn into the focus of the congressional investigation into the violent January 6 assault on the US Capitol.

 Trump strategist Steve Bannon and authorized consultants Rudy Giuliani and John Eastman worked in suites at the Willard InterContinental throughout the road from the White Dwelling in the times bordering the attack, in which Trump supporters stormed Congress to halt certification of Democrat Joe Biden’s presidential election victory.

 They and other people are suspected of protecting communications amongst the White Dwelling and groups included in so-identified as “Halt the Steal” protests, in accordance to a congressional resolution keeping Bannon in contempt very last 7 days.

 Bannon, who rejected a subpoena to testify in the January 6 investigation, was cited for his “function in constructing and collaborating in the ‘stop the steal’ general public relations effort and hard work that determined the attack.”

 That incorporated, the resolution claimed, “his participation in the functions of that working day from a ‘war room'” at the Willard.

Video: Trump announces plans for new social community

– Longtime hub for powerbrokers –

 First established in 1847, the tasteful Willard has extensive been a hub for superior culture, political powerbrokers and going to dignitaries in the US funds, specially people going to the White Property.

 The term “lobbyist” obtained forex in Washington, in which individuals hung out in the Willard’s lobby trying to find to influence US presidents and other politicians.

 Earlier this 12 months unbiased investigator Seth Abramson, on his web page “Proof,” documented that dozens of individuals concerned in attempting to reverse Biden’s November 2020 election victory above Trump were being at the resort in the run up to January 6.

 They incorporated Trump advocates like political tactician Roger Stone, a person-time spokesman Jason Miller, marketing campaign advisor Boris Epshteyn, and previous New York Town police commissioner Bernard Kerik.

 The Property special committee probing the January 6 insurrection is examining no matter whether individuals shut to the White Property, which includes potentially Trump himself, instigated the

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